The
musical
sounds and practices of all indigenous peoples of Africa, including the
Berber in the Sahara and the San (Bushmen) and Khoikhoin (Hottentot) in
Southern Africa. The
music
of European settler communities and that of Arab North Africa are not
included in the present discussion. For the music of Islamic Africa, see
Islamic arts: Music.
History
It
is widely acknowledged that African music has undergone frequent and
decisive changes throughout the centuries. What is termed traditional
music today is probably very different from African music in former
times. Nor has African music in the past been rigidly linked to specific
ethnic groups. The individual musician, his style and creativity, have always played an important role.
The
material sources for the study of African music history include
archaeological and other objects, pictorial sources (rock paintings,
petroglyphs, book illustrations, drawings, paintings), oral historical
sources, written sources (travelers’ accounts, field notes, inscriptions
in Arabic and in African and European languages), musical notations,
sound recordings, photographs and motion pictures, and videotape.
In ancient times the musical cultures of sub-Saharan Africa extended into North Africa. Between circa 8000 and 3000 bc,
climatic changes in the Sahara, with a marked wet trend, extended the
flora and fauna of the savanna into the southern Sahara and its central
highlands. During this period, human occupation of the Sahara greatly
increased, and, along rivers and small lakes, Neolithic, or New Stone Age,
cultures with a so-called aquatic lifestyle extended from the western
Sahara into the Nile River valley. The aquatic cultures began to break
up gradually between 5000 and 3000 bc,
once the peak of the wet period had passed. The wet climate became more
and more restricted to shrunken lakes and rivers and, to a greater
extent, to the region of the upper Nile. Today remnants survive perhaps
in the Lake Chad area and in the Nile swamps.
The cultures of the “Green Sahara” left behind a vast gallery of iconographic documents in the form of rock
paintings, among which are some of the earliest internal sources on
African music. One is a vivid dance scene discovered in 1956 by the
French ethnologist Henri Lhote in
the Tassili-n-Ajjer plateau of Algeria. Attributed on stylistic grounds
to the Saharan period of the Neolithic hunters (c. 6000–4000 bc),
this painting is probably one of the oldest extant testimonies to music
and dance in Africa. The body adornment and movement style are
reminiscent of dance styles still found in many African societies.
Some of the earliest sources on African music are archaeological. Although musical instruments
made of vegetable materials have not survived in the deposits of
sub-Saharan climatic zones, archaeological source material on Nigerian
music has been supplied by the representations of musical instruments on
stone or terra-cotta from Ife, Yorubaland. These representations show
considerable agreement with traditional accounts of their origins. From
the 10th to the 14th century ad, ig̀bìn drums (a set of footed cylindrical drums) seem to have been used. The dùndún pressure drum, now associated with Yoruba
culture and known in a broad belt across the savanna region, may have
been introduced around the 15th century, since it appears in plaques
made during that period in the kingdom of Benin. The Yoruba dùndún drums are now used as “talking drums” in accompaniment to oriki (praise name) poetry (see Oral traditions). The double iron clapperless bell seems to have preceded the talking drum. Pellet bells and tubular bells with clappers were known by the 15th century.
Other
archaeological finds relating to music include iron bells excavated in
the Katanga (Shaba) region of Congo (Kinshasa) and at several sites in
Zimbabwe. Benin bronze plaques represent a further, almost inexhaustible
source for music history, since musical instruments—such as horns,
bells, drums, and even bow lutes—are often depicted on them in
ceremonial contexts.
Among the most important written sources (though superficial analytically) are accounts from the 14th-century Arab travelers Ibn Baṭṭūṭah and Ibn Khaldūn and from the European navigators and explorers Vasco da Gama, Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, João dos Santos, François Froger, and Peter Kolbe. Early attempts at notating African music were made by T.E. Bowdich (1819) for Ghana, Karl Mauch (1872) for Zimbabwe, and Brito Capelo and Roberto Ivens (1882) for inner Angola.
Major and minor migrations of African peoples brought musical styles and instruments to new areas. The single and double iron bells, which probably originated in Kwa-speaking West Africa, spread to western Central Africa with Iron Age Bantu-speaking
peoples and from there to Zimbabwe and the Zambezi River valley.
Earlier migrating groups moving eastward from eastern Nigeria and
central Cameroon to the East African lakes did not know the iron bells
or the time-line patterns associated with them. Consequently, both
traits were absent in East African music until the recent introduction
of the time-line patterns of Congolese electric guitar-based music. With
the intensifying ivory and slave trades during the 19th century, the zeze (or sese) flatbar zither,
a stringed instrument long known along the East African coast, spread
into the interior to Zambia, the eastern half of Congo (Kinshasa), and
Malaŵi.
Beginning in the 17th and 18th centuries, lamellaphones
with iron keys, a prominent feature of ancient Zimbabwe and
neighbouring kingdoms and chieftainships, spread from the Zambezi valley
northward to the kingdoms of Kazembe and Lunda and to the Katangan and
Angolan cultures. In the course of migration, some models became
smaller, because they were used as travel instruments; others were
modified and gave rise to the numerous types present in western Central
Africa during the first half of the 20th century. (For a further
description of the lamellaphone, see Idiophones.)
A small box-resonated lamellaphone, called the likembe
in Congo, traveled in the other direction, from the west to the east,
northeast, and southeast. It was invented in the lower Congo region
probably not earlier than the mid-19th century, and thereafter it spread
upriver with Lingala-speaking porters and colonial servants to the
northern Bantu borderland. The Zande, Ngbandi, and Gbaya, who speak Adamawa-Ubangi languages, adopted the likembe.
Stylistic traits of likembe
music linking it to its region of origin were only gradually modified
in the new areas to suit local styles. At the beginning of the 20th
century the likembe distribution area extended farther to the northeast into Uganda, where the Nilotic Alur, Acholi, and Lango adopted it. It was later introduced to southern Uganda by northern Ugandan workers; there the Bantu-speaking Soga and Gwere adopted it and began to construct models entirely from metal, even with a metal resonator. The likembe
also spread southward from the lower Congo, penetrating Angola from the
Kasai region of Congo and being adopted as recently as the 1950s by the
Khoisan-speaking !Kung of Kwando Kubango province in southeastern Angola.
As
a result of migrations and the exchange of musical fashions both within
Africa and with foreign cultures, specific traits of African music
often show a puzzling distribution. Extremely distant areas in Africa
may have similar, even identical, traits, while adjacent areas may have
quite different styles. The multipart singing style in triads within an equiheptatonic tone system of the Baule of Côte d’Ivoire is so close, if not identical, to the part singing style of Ngangela, Chokwe, and Luvale
peoples in eastern Angola that the similarity is immediately recognized
by informants from both cultures. Why this is so is a riddle. The two
areas are separated by several countries with different approaches to
multipart singing. Another historical riddle is the presence of
practically identical xylophone playing styles and instruments among Makonde and Makua-speaking peoples of northern Mozambique and among certain peoples of Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia, notably the Baule and the Kru. The jomolo of the Baule and the log xylophones of northern Mozambique—for example, the dimbila of the Makonde or the mangwilo of the Shirima—are virtually identical instruments.
Diffusionist
theories of various kinds have been offered to resolve such riddles.
The English ethnomusicologist A.M. Jones proposed that Indonesian
settlers in certain areas of East, Central, and West Africa during the
early centuries ad could have introduced xylophones and certain tonal-harmonic systems (equipentatonic, equiheptatonic, and pelog scales) into Africa. Ethnohistorians,
on the other hand, have tended to accentuate the importance of coastal
navigation (implying the traveling of hired or forced African labour on
European ships) as an agent of cultural contact between such areas as
Mozambique, Angola and Congo, and the West African coast.
Existing historical sources on African music and dance
are more abundant than might be expected. Sometimes historical data can
be obtained indirectly from contemporary observation outside Africa,
especially in Latin America. It was a rule rather than an exception that
people brought as slaves
from Africa to the New World often came from the hinterland of the
African coastal areas. Between the European slave traders established on
the coast and the hinterland areas were buffer zones inhabited by
African “merchant tribes,” such as the Ovimbundu of Angola, who are still remembered by eastern Angolan peoples as vimbali,
or collaborators of the Portuguese. In the 18th and 19th centuries the
inland areas of Angola were not directly accessible to Europeans. But
the music and dance of these areas became accessible indirectly, as
European observers saw African captives playing musical instruments in
New World countries. In Brazil the music of the Candomblé religion, for example, can be directly linked to 18th- and 19th-century forms of orisha worship among the Yoruba.
In a similar manner, Umbanda religious ceremonies are an extension of
traditional healing sessions still practiced in Angola, and vodun religious music among the Fon of Benin has extensions in the voodoo
of Haiti and elsewhere in the Caribbean. African instruments have also
been modified and sometimes further developed in the New World; examples
are the Central African friction drum and the lamellaphone (in the Cuban marimbula).
African
music as it is known today was also shaped by changes in the ecology of
the continent, which drove people into other lands, thus producing
changes in their art. With the drying of the Sahara, for example,
populations tended to shift southward. When settled populations accepted
the intruders, they often adopted musical styles from them. Thus, the
choral singing style of the Masai had a fundamental influence on vocal music of the Gogo of central Tanzania, as is audible in their nindo and msunyunho chants.
It
is only relatively recently that scholarly attention has focused on the
various urban popular styles, reflecting a blend of local and foreign
ingredients, that have emerged during the last 50 years or so. The best
known of these are West African “highlife,” Congolese dance music, tarabu of East Africa, and South African styles. With the widespread adoption of Christianity
in Africa since the 19th century, many new varieties of African church
music have risen and continue to evolve. For example, with altered
words, hymns—as well as secular songs—are quite often adapted as protest
songs in order to rally opposition to political oppression.
Gerhard KubikDonald Keith Robotham
Outsiders
have often overlooked the enormous variety of musical instruments in
Africa in the mistaken belief that Africans play only drums. Yet even
Hanno the Carthaginian, who recorded a brief visit to the west coast of Africa in the 5th century
bce
during a naval expedition, noted wind instruments as well as
percussion. Of an island within the gulf of “Hesperon Keras,” he wrote:
By
day we saw nothing but woods, but by night we saw many fires burning,
and heard the sound of flutes and cymbals, and the beating of drums, and
an immense shouting. Fear therefore seized on us, and the soothsayers
bid us quit the island.
Ensembles fitting this
description may be found over a wide area of West Africa today, serving
as accompaniment to dancing and merrymaking or as an essential
ingredient of ceremonial or cultic activities.
Besides the
percussion and wind instruments noted by Hanno, there are also stringed
instruments of many kinds, ranging from the simple mouth bow to more
complex varieties of zithers, harps, lutes, and lyres. While the
aggregate of instrumental resources distributed over the continent is
vast, each society tends to specialize in a limited assortment, and
there is a wide variety from region to region. In some areas interesting
new hybrid varieties emerged in the 20th century in response to outside
influence, notably the
endingidi spike fiddle of Uganda,
malipenga gourd kazoos of Tanzania and Malawi, and
chordophones such as the
ramkie and
segankuru of South Africa.
Musical
instruments in African societies serve a variety of roles. Some
instruments may be confined to religious or cultic rituals or to social
occasions. Among some peoples there may also be restrictions as to the
age, sex, or social status of the player. Among the
Xhosa, for example, only girls play the imported
jew’s harp, a modern replacement for the traditional mouth bow, which was formerly their prerogative.
Besides recreational applications, or as accompaniment for dancing, instruments may serve many other roles. In
Lesotho it is claimed that cattle graze more contentedly when entertained by the sound of the
lesiba mouth bow. Among the
Shona in Zimbabwe, a local form of lamellaphone known as
likembe dza vadzimu serves in rituals of ancestor worship, while in the kingdom of
Buganda the royal drums formerly held higher status than the king. In West and central Africa,
pressure drums
may serve for the transmission of messages or, together with trumpets,
for the declamation of praises, by mimicking the tonal and rhythmic
patterns of speech. All sub-Saharan languages (except
Swahili) are “
tone languages,” in the sense that the meaning of words depends on the
tone or
pitch
in which they are said. Consequently, instrumental music—or even
natural sounds such as birdsong—often imitates or suggests meaningful
phrases of the spoken
language.
Sometimes this is intentional and sometimes it is merely fortuitous,
but in either case it escapes the notice of uninformed outsiders.
Certain instruments are used solely for
song accompaniment. Here the interplay between voice and instrument is often intricate and delicately balanced.
Zulu solo songs, in earlier times, were often self-accompanied on the
ugubhu gourd bow.
In such bow songs, while the instrumental melody was influenced by the
tone requirements of the song’s lyrics, the tuning of the bow determined
the vocal scale to which the singer conformed. Today when Zulus use the
modern Western guitar, precisely the same antiphonal relationship and
mutual interdependence between voice and instrument is maintained.
The following is a brief sampling of the principal instruments found in sub-Saharan Africa.
In
this class the substance of the instrument itself, owing to its
solidity and elasticity, yields sound without requiring strings or
stretched membranes. Some are sounded by striking, others by shaking,
scraping, plucking, or friction. Idiophones are numerous and widely
distributed throughout the continent. On musical grounds they may be
divided into instruments used mainly for rhythm and several varieties tuned and used melodically.
Rhythmic idiophones
Among the vast array of nonmelodic, rhythmic idiophones, the most common and widespread are probably rattles, sounded by shaking. One type, the sistrum,
which has small metal disks loosely suspended on rods, is important in
the Coptic and Ethiopian churches (it is known in Ethiopia as tsenatsil) and is also used in Guinea. More widespread are hollow rattles,
consisting of a gourd enveloped in a net of shells or beads or of a
container such as a calabash with seeds or pebbles inside. Besides
handheld varieties, there are many other kinds of rattles, often strung
on cords, which may be attached to the limbs or other parts of the body
and shaken while dancing or playing another instrument, or which may be
fastened onto another instrument, such as the lamellaphone, to serve as a
supplementary jingling device. In Zimbabwe, bottle tops, instead of the
traditional snail shells, serve this purpose on the likembe dza vadzimu of the Shona.
Struck and concussion-sounded idiophones are found everywhere. These include stone clappers and multiple rock gongs
(in Nigeria); wooden clappers and percussion beams; and implements such
as hoe blades, weapons, and shields (in fact, all kinds of domestic
items serve as temporary idiophones when required). Further examples are
metal or wooden bells, either with internal pellets or clappers or
externally struck; inverted half calabashes; bottles; and clay pots,
partially water-filled, which in West Africa are struck with fanlike
beaters. Stamping sticks are also used in West and central Africa, as
are stamping tubes made from bamboo or from long, open-ended gourds. In
Ghana and Nigeria the latter are used for accompanying certain women’s
songs. Scraped and friction idiophones are quite widely distributed, the
most common form being a notched stick or piece of bamboo that is
scraped by another stick.
Falling
between rhythmic and melodic instruments, the largest and most
distinctive member of the African struck-idiophone family is the slit drum,
made from a hollowed log. By careful thinning of the flanks at certain
places, the instrument may be tuned so as to yield as many as four
distinct pitches. Besides their use for transmitting messages, West and
central African slit drums are often played in combination with membrane
drums and other instruments.
Two
markedly different species of xylophone are distinguishable in Africa:
one has free, unattached keys, and the other has fixed keys. With free-key
xylophones, found in parts of West and East Africa, loose slabs may be
laid across the player’s outstretched legs or supported on logs or straw
bundles, sometimes above a resonating pit. In Uganda and Congo
(Kinshasa), from two to six players may perform together on the same
instrument.
Fixed-key
xylophones are more elaborate. Mounted below each key, there is usually
an individually tuned calabash resonator, often with a mirliton
(a vibrating membrane) attached to add a buzzing quality to the sound. A
mid-14th-century account mentions a calabash-resonated xylophone in the
West African kingdom of Mali,
and similar instruments were reported on the east coast in the 16th
century. Xylophone ensembles are common in some areas, notably among the
Chopi of Mozambique, where timbila orchestras of up to 40 xylophones, of six different sizes, have been reported.
These
“thumb pianos” are plucked idiophones unique to Africa and widely
distributed throughout the continent. In construction they consist
basically of a set of tuned metal or bamboo tongues of varying length
fitted to a board, box, or calabash resonator, their free ends being
twanged by the player’s thumbs and fingers. Supplementary rattling or
buzzing devices are often added, and board-mounted varieties are often
played inside a half calabash or bowl to enhance the resonance. They
serve mainly for song accompaniment. Some common names for regional
varieties of the instrument are likembe, mbira, and timbrh.
All African
drums
except the slit drum fall within this class, sharing the basic feature
of having a stretched animal skin as their sounding medium. The
mirliton, or small “singing membrane,” is often added to the bodies of
drums and xylophone resonators as a supplementary buzzing device. It is
an essential component of the
malipenga gourd kazoos used in Tanzania and Malawi to simulate military
band music.
Africa
has a wide variety of drums, which may serve in a number of different
roles, some of them not primarily musical. Their manufacture is often
steeped in ritual and symbolism, and their use may be restricted to
specific contexts. In many societies, only men may play them; in others,
certain drums are used only by women (as among the
Venda,
Sotho, and
Tswana
of southern Africa). Playing techniques differ widely: some drums are
beaten with the bare hands, others with straight or curved sticks.
Friction drums are also occasionally found, such as the
ingungu used in
Zulu girls’ nubility rites. Except in the extreme south, drums of contrasting pitch and
timbre
are frequently played in ensembles, with or without other instruments,
to accompany dancing. Though the role of drums is usually rhythmic, the
entenga drum chime in Uganda, comprising a set of tuned drums, plays vocally derived melodies.
The
body of a drum may be either bowl-shaped, tubular, or shallow-framed.
Bowl-shaped drums include those made from gourds and pots as well as the
small and large kettledrums found in and around Uganda. Tubular and
frame drums may have either one skin or two, which are either pegged,
pinned, glued, or laced onto the body. Tubular drums come in many sizes
and shapes, such as cylindrical, conical, barrel-shaped, goblet-shaped,
footed, and hourglass-shaped. The
atumpan talking drums of the
Asante
are barrel-shaped with a narrow, cylindrical, open foot at the base.
East African hourglass drums are single-skinned. In West Africa
double-skinned hourglass drums are held under one arm, their pitch
rapidly and continually changed by as much as an octave by squeezing the
lacing that joins the two heads. In some areas wax may be applied to
the centre of the drum skin, and a mirliton, shells, or jingles may be
attached to the body to modify the tone.
This class, comprising
instruments
that produce sound from strings stretched between fixed points, is well
represented in Africa. There is an abundance of specimens in the form
of zithers, lutes, and harps.
These consist of a string stretched between the two ends of a flexible stave. There are three types: bows
with a separate resonator; bows with attached resonators; and mouth
bows, which use the player’s mouth for resonance. Though it is
conjectural whether all varieties evolved from the shooting bow, the San
of the Kalahari often convert their hunting bows to musical use.
Sometimes it is held against the mouth, yielding a range of
mouth-resonated harmonics, as with the jew’s harp, or it is pressed
against a hollow container. Apart from adapted shooting bows, more
specialized types of musical bows are widespread. Most are sounded by
plucking or striking the string, but the Xhosa umrubhe is bowed with a friction stick, the xizambi of the Tsonga has serrations along the stave that are scraped with a rattle stick, and the Sotho lesiba (like the gora of the Khoekhoe)
is sounded by exhaling and inhaling across a piece of quill connecting
the string to the stave. Bows with more than one string are rare, but
the tingle apho of the Kara people in southern Ethiopia has three.
Besides mouth-resonated bows, the gourd bow,
which has an attached gourd resonator, is commonly used in southern,
central, and East Africa for self-accompanied solo singing. The string
is struck with a thin stick or grass stem. The Zulu ugubhu
is a typical example. Harmonic tones are selectively resonated by
moving the mouth of the gourd closer to or farther from the player’s
chest. The fundamental pitch of the string can be altered by finger
stopping; with other types, like the Swazi makhweyane,
a noose or brace divides the string so as to yield two different “open”
notes, and resonated harmonics are selected in the same way.
While all the above types of musical bow are simple forms of the zither, the so-called ground bow or earth bow of equatorial Africa, which has one end planted in the ground, qualifies as a ground harp.
Characterized
by strings that lie parallel to the neck, the lute is found in Africa
in several varieties. The multiple-necked bow lute, or pluriarc,
of central and southwestern Africa is the oldest. This has a separate
flexible neck for each string and resembles a set of musical bows fixed
at one end to a sounding box. West African plucked lutes such as the konting, khalam, and the nkoni (which was noted by Ibn Baṭṭūṭah in 1353) may have originated in ancient Egypt. The khalam is claimed to be the ancestor of the banjo. Another long-necked lute is the ramkie of South Africa.
The bowed-lute family is represented by three types of one-string fiddle, as exemplified by the rebeclike goje of Nigeria and the spike fiddles masenqo of Ethiopia and Eritrea and endingidi of Uganda—the last being a 20th-century invention.
Harp lutes
The sophisticated kora of the Malinke
people of West Africa is classified as a harp lute. Its strings lie in
two parallel ranks, rising on either side of a vertical bridge, which
has a notch for each string. The long neck passes through a large
hemispherical gourd resonator covered with a leather sounding table.
These have been termed yoke lutes,
the strings running from a yoke supported by two side arms. Their
distribution in Africa is confined to the northeast. In Ethiopia and
Eritrea two types occur: the large beganna, with 8 to 10 strings and a box-shaped body (corresponding to the ancient Greek kithara); and the smaller six-string krar, with a bowl-shaped body (resembling the Greek lyra). The latter type, with four to eight strings and varying in size, is also used in South Sudan, Uganda, and Kenya. The litungu is a typical specimen.
These
are confined to a belt, north of the Equator, running from Uganda to
Mauritania. All African harps (like those of ancient Egypt) are classed
as open harps, as they have a neck and a resonator with a string holder
but lack a supporting pillar to complete the triangle. In most cases
some form of buzzing device is incorporated. Examples are the ennanga (Uganda), ardin (Mauritania), kinde (Lake Chad region), and ngombi (Gabon).
The archaic bull-roarer
(a board attached by rope to a stick and whirled about in the air)
survives in various localities, notably in southern Africa among the San and neighbouring peoples. Of the wind instruments
proper, the three main divisions—flutes, reed pipes, and trumpets—are
all well represented, though the second of these is more restricted in
distribution than the others.
At the southernmost tip of the continent the navigator Vasco da Gama in 1497 encountered a band of Khoekhoe people “playing upon four or five flutes of reed.” Ensembles of single-note stopped flutes playing on the hocket
principle, with each flute blowing its note in rotation, have been
reported from various regions, ranging from southern Africa through
eastern Congo (Kinshasa), Uganda, and South Sudan to southern Ethiopia. Panpipe
ensembles are less common, but notable examples have been witnessed in
central Africa, and particularly among the Nyungwe of Mozambique. There
are many other types of open and stopped flutes—cylindrical and conical;
transverse and end-blown; made from bamboo, reed, roots, stems, wood,
clay, bone, and horn. Globular flutes made from small spherical gourds or from hard-shelled fruits such as Oncoba spinosa
are found in southern Africa, Congo, Mozambique, Uganda, Guinea, and
elsewhere. End-blown notched flutes, with a U- or V-shaped embouchure,
either with or without finger holes, are widely distributed across the
continent. The long Zulu umtshingo
has an obliquely cut embouchure; there are no finger holes, but a
double range of overblown harmonics is produced by alternately stopping
and unstopping the lower end with a finger. Such instruments and many
others throughout the continent are played singly, but in many areas
flutes are played in pairs or in combination with other instruments.
Transverse clarinets are used throughout the West African savanna region, from Guinea to Cameroon. These are single-reed pipes
made from hollow guinea corn or sorghum stems, the reed being a flap
partially cut from the stem near one end. Single and double clarinets
are found in southern Sudan and South Sudan among the Dinka people. Conical double-reed instruments of the oboe or shawm
type have spread around the northeastern and northwestern fringes of
Africa wherever Islam has taken root. Despite local variations, they are
basically related to the Arab zūrnā, having a disk (or pirouette) below the reed that supports the player’s lips.
Lip-vibrated aerophones
made from a variety of materials are widespread in Africa. Apart from
musical uses, some serve for signaling. In West Africa, side-blown ivory
or horn instruments may transmit verbal praises of chiefs and rulers.
Among the Hausa, the long metal kakaki and wooden farai,
both end-blown, fulfill this role in combination with drums. In East
and central Africa, the instruments are often made from gourds, wood,
hide, horn, or a combination of these materials. In the historic kingdom
of Buganda
(now part of Uganda), trumpet sets were part of the royal regalia.
Throughout Africa, more than one or two notes are seldom produced from a
single trumpet, but trumpet ensembles are common, playing in hocket
fashion.
Musical structure
In Africa it is unrealistic to separate music from dance
or from bodily movement. In Europe the body tends to be used as a
single block, while in African and African American dance it seems to be
“polycentric”—that is, split into several independent body areas or
“centres.” Likewise, the playing of African musical instruments involves
a whole combination of body movements. This is one reason African music
is less amenable to notation than Western music; for analytical
purposes, sound filming (rather than just sound recording) is essential.
In Africa music making
is very often collective, involving organized collaboration in which
performers contribute not identical, but complementary, constituents.
Besides polyrhythmic and polymetric procedures, melodic phrases are
frequently offset against one another, with different starting and
ending points, either in an antiphonal “call-and-response” relationship
or in an overlapping relationship that yields polyphony.
In addition, melodic phrasing and instrumental accompaniment may be
deliberately out of step—a displacement technique described in 1952 by
American anthropologist Richard Waterman as “offbeat phrasing of melodic
accents.” Complementary participation is also evident in drumming and
in flute or trumpet ensembles where each player in turn sounds a
different, single note. The Ghanaian musicologist J.H. Kwabena Nketia
pointed out the function of this African form of hocket technique in “achieving overall effects of continuity, [and] for building up interlocking, and sometimes complex structures, out of relatively simple elements.”
In
a great many African music and dance cultures, movement organization
rigidly follows certain principles of timing that cannot be equated with
Western metrical systems. African systems of timing are generally based
on at least four fundamental concepts:
- There
is an overall presence of a mental background pulsation, or “metronome
sense,” consisting of equally spaced pulse units continuing ad infinitum
and often at great speed. These so-called elementary pulses serve as a
basic orientation screen; they are two or three times faster than the
beat rate, or gross pulse.
- Musical form is organized so that
recurring patterns and themes are timed against a regular number of
elementary pulses—usually 8, 12, 16, 24, or their multiples (more
rarely, 9, 18, or 27). The recurring sequences are called strophes or
cycles; the number of pulses they contain are referred to as their form
numbers or cycle numbers.
- Such strophes or cycles are often
divisible in more than one way, allowing simultaneous combinations of
contradictory metrical units. For example, 12 pulses—12 is the most
important form number in African music—can be divided by 2, 3, 4, and 6.
- Patterns
with the same form number can be shifted out of phase, so that their
starting points and main accents do not coincide, resulting in “cross
rhythms.” In some cases they cross in such a way that they interlock, or
fall between one another, with no two notes ever sounding together.
Interlocking
Interlocking techniques are a prominent feature of many instrumental styles in East and southeastern Africa. From regions in Tanzania and Mozambique come the ng’oma drumming of Gogo women and such log xylophone styles as the dimbila of the Makonde, the mangwilo of the Shirima, and the mangolongondo of the Yao people. The drumming in the ngwayi dance of northeastern Zambia, the timbrh lamellaphone music of the Vute people of central Cameroon, and many other traditions also use interlocking techniques.
A
basic characteristic of interlocking is the absence of a common guide
pulse to be taken as a reference point by all players. In a Western music ensemble or a jazz band all the players share a “beat,” one common metric point of departure. They may even beat
their feet to mark it. While there are many traditional African musics
in which such a common reference pulse does exist, in several others the
musicians in a group relate their parts to individual reference pulses,
which can stand in various relations to one another.
In one type
of relation the pulse of one performer or group of performers falls
exactly in the middle of the other’s pulse. This type of interlocking
occurs, for example, in the music of the amadinda and embaire xylophones of southern Uganda. A special type of notation
is now used for these xylophones, consisting of numbers and periods. A
number indicates that a player strikes a note; the number refers to the
note in the scale, as 5, for example, the fifth note of the scale. An underlined number should be read an octave down; in other words, 5 is an octave below 5. A period indicates that no note is struck. Numbers and periods both occupy one elementary pulse.
The following is an example of interlocking as played on the amadinda.
The melodies are actually played in parallel octaves; that is, each
melody is played at the notated pitch and also at the pitch an octave
below:
In interlocking music of this type, one musician’s
positive action of striking a note always coincides with a negative
action, or “non-strike,” of his fellow musician, who at that moment
lifts his beater. The effect is such that both series of equally spaced
notes seem to interlock like the teeth of a cogwheel. Each of the two
musicians, however, feels his own series of notes as “on beat.”
In the very fast mangwilo
xylophone music, the interlocking technique is exploited further. In
some compositions by two virtuoso players, each musician interlocks with
the right hand only. The left hands play different rhythm patterns
superimposed over the interlocking pattern.
Triple interlocking is
another type, used, for instance, in Zambia in drum music and also in
southern Uganda in the music of the akadinda
xylophone. Here a group of three musicians plays a short pattern of
equally spaced notes in parallel octaves. Three musicians sitting
opposite them interlock with another pattern that fits two equally
spaced notes between each note of the first group’s pattern. In
numerical notation it looks like this:
Interlocking
techniques allow African instrumentalists to produce resultant
patterns—overall patterns formed by all the players—that are
unbelievably rapid. The resultant pattern of the above akadinda
musical example is: 214435214235114135214535. This series of 24 notes,
when played by expert musicians, is at a speed of approximately 600
notes per minute. But each musician, for himself, plays one-third that
fast.
Time-line patterns
In
certain areas there is yet another principle of timing, known as
time-line patterns. These are struck motional patterns that make up a
rhythmic ostinato
with an asymmetrical inner structure (such as 5 + 7 or 7 + 9), against
which the melodic and rhythmic phrasing of other performers is
juxtaposed. They are percussive patterns, produced either by hand
clapping or on some musical instrument
of penetrating sound quality, such as a bell, a high-pitched drum, the
rim or body of a drum, a bottle, an ax blade, a calabash, a percussion
beam, concussion sticks, or a high-pitched xylophone key. Time-line
patterns are a regulative element in many kinds of African music,
especially dance music along the West African coast, in western central
Africa, and in a broad belt along the Zambezi River valley from Zambia into Mozambique. Broadly speaking, they are found in those parts of Africa covered by the Kwa and Benue-Congo subgroups of the Niger-Congo group of languages—with the notable exception that they are not found in most areas of East Africa or in southern Africa.
A
time-line pattern represents the structural core of a musical piece,
something like a condensed and extremely concentrated representation of
the rhythmic and motional possibilities open to the musicians and
dancers. Singers, drummers, and dancers in the group find their bearings
by listening to the strokes of the time-line pattern, which is repeated
at a steady tempo throughout the performance. The following are some of the most important time-line patterns:
- The 12-pulse seven-stroke pattern
- Version a (mainly West African)
- Version b (mainly central African)
- The 12-pulse five-stroke pattern
- A 16-pulse time-line pattern
The distribution of the 12-pulse seven-stroke pattern is mostly along the West African coast—for example, in the music of the Yoruba, Fon, and Ewe—but also in Congo (Kinshasa), Angola, and Zambia. The 12-pulse five-stroke pattern can be found in central Africa, especially in Congo (Brazzaville) and Congo (Kinshasa); southern Africa, including Zambia and Malawi; and West Africa—for instance, among the Baule of Côte d’Ivoire.
The distribution of a 16-pulse time-line pattern occurs mostly in
southern Congo (Kinshasa), Angola, and northwestern Zambia with an
isolated occurrence in xylophone music on the Kenyan coast.
The longest time-line pattern is found among the Pygmy peoples of the upper Sangha River in the Central African Republic. It is a 24-pulse pattern of the following structure:
This pattern is struck on a percussion beam, and the dance style accompanying it emphasizes motions of the pelvis.
The
asymmetrical time-line patterns of African music are, no doubt, an
ancient cultural heritage along the Guinea Coast and in western central
Africa. They were most likely invented by peoples who spoke ancestral
forms of Niger-Congo languages. It is likely that the area of origin was
the Guinea Coast. One explanation for the absence of time-line patterns
in the northern half of East Africa is that they were unknown among the
first wave of Bantu-language speakers moving eastward from the Cross River area in eastern Nigeria along the fringes of the equatorial forest toward the East African lakes region circa 100–400 bce. Another explanation could be the influence in East Africa of Nilotic cultures.
The knowledge of time-line patterns might have been brought to western
central Africa with a second migration of Benue-Congo speakers from
eastern Nigeria during the early Iron Age, a time when time-line patterns had already spread eastward across the Niger River.
This second migration could have been responsible for the introduction
into western central Africa of a set of cultural traits that include
asymmetrical time-line patterns, the single and double bells, masked
dancing, secret societies, and certain initiation ceremonies.
With the beginning of the later Iron Age in central Africa (c. 1000 ce),
a second nuclear area for time-line patterns apparently developed in
southern Congo (Kinshasa); both the 12- and 16-pulse patterns still play
an enormous role in the musical traditions of that region. With the
third Bantu
dispersal, this time from southern Congo and carrying with it trade
connections, the practice of time-line patterns could have reached the
Zambezi valley and the Nyasa-Ruvuma culture area of Tanzania, Malawi,
and Mozambique—the only areas in the eastern part of the continent where
time-line patterns are prominent today.
Inherent note patterns
Closely
associated with interlocking techniques but not necessarily depending
on them is the composition of inherent note patterns. These are rhythmic
and melodic patterns that emerge when series of notes in distinct
intervals are played at high speed.
The human ear perceives not
isolated particles of sound but a “gestalt.” When sequences of many
notes are played rapidly, the ear cannot follow each note. As a result,
the hearing tends to pick out and regroup the material, forming several
melodic-rhythmic patterns that seem independent of one another. Thus,
the heard image of the music differs from the pattern of notes actually
played. In a series of notes that are large intervals apart, for
example, the ear picks out the notes of about the same pitch level and
perceives them as a group. This psychological perception of a gestalt—an
inherent note pattern—is an important element in listening to and
composing some kinds of African instrumental music, particularly in central and East Africa.
Inherent note patterns are not accidental
or coincidental; they are recognized and consciously employed by
African musicians. In southern Uganda there are even specific terms
referring to them. The main function of inherent note patterns is to
suggest words—text passages of a song that is outlined by instrumental
accompaniment. Thus, in the music of the ennanga harp of
Uganda, the inherent note patterns suggest certain phrases of the vocal
part. In a performance of the traditional harp song “Olutalo olw’e Nsinsi
”
(“The Battle of the Nsinsi”) by the former court musician Evaristo
Muyinda, one inherent pattern seemed to speak the words “Batulwanako
ab’edda!” (“How They Forget Those Ancients!”) long before they were
actually sung. Muyinda often introduces a new phrase of text by first
accentuating the corresponding inherent rhythm on the ennanga.
Once the melody is firmly established as a gestalt, it is sung. By
slight accentuation or melodic variation during performance, the harpist
may bring one or another of the already existing inherent patterns into
prominence. This results in a musical development of the song’s text.
Tone
systems and multipart patterns have a functional interrelationship in
African music. In other words, the kind of multipart pattern occurring
in singing or instrumental music is conditional on the type of tone
system, and vice versa.
The tonal material used in African musical
traditions varies considerably from region to region. Tonal
organization, tuning procedures, and intervallic structure depend upon a
broad range of human experience. Several factors have determined the
shape of tone systems actually in use. One factor mentioned above is
language, especially with regard to the semantic and grammatical
importance of speech tone. Another is the principle of equidistance, the
measuring of space or time in equal steps. In addition, in some
cross-perceptual associations, such as from aural to visual and vice
versa, pitch
may be graded in terms of magnitude or altitude. In African music
different pitches are not conceptualized as “high” or “low,” as they are
in English and some other Germanic languages of Europe, but as “small”
and “big” or “tiny” and “fat.” Consequently, a lamellaphone of middle
size, producing middle-range notes, is called endongo in Lusoga, a Bantu language spoken by the Soga in an area of Uganda east of the former kingdom of Buganda. Kadongo (with the diminutive prefix ka-) is a high-tuned lamellaphone, while gadongo (with the augmentative prefix ga-)
is a bass instrument. Finally, tonal structure may be influenced by the
human experience of sound in nature and the discovery of acoustics.
Broadly
speaking, African tone systems may be divided into the following
families and subfamilies: (1) equi-tonal systems, based on the principle
of equal intervals, (2) monophonic systems, based on octaves, fifths, and fourths, and (3) systems based on the experience of instrumental harmonics.
Equi-tonal systems
Two varieties are found: (1) equi-pentatonic (for example, in southern Uganda) and (2) equi-heptatonic (for example, in the lower Zambezi valley and in eastern Angola). These tone systems, with either five or seven notes per octave, differ radically from the two Western equal-interval scales, namely the chromatic scale of 12 semitones to the octave (which is equi-dodecatonic) and the whole-tone scale (which is equi-hexatonic).
Each step in the whole-tone scale involves an interval of 200 cents (a
cent is a measure of frequency, with each semitone in the Western scale
equal to 100 cents). In equi-pentatonic systems, on the other hand, the
recurrent interval is theoretically 240 cents (i.e., 2.4 semitones of
the Western scale), and in equi-heptatonic systems it is 171 cents (or
1.71 semitones).
In practice, the intervals in African equi-tonal
systems are only approximately equal. For example, there is evidence
that the tonal basis of music in southern Uganda, although
equi-pentatonic in principle, accommodates a relatively wide deviation
from the ideal equidistant interval of 240 cents. The term pen-equidistant
has been coined for such a system. The cause of deviation is the
presence in the music of that region of certain consonance principles,
based on the recognition of simple ratios of fourths and fifths. Thus,
the southern Ugandan tone system seems to have two disparate roots,
accommodating both the principle of equidistance and the experience of
simple ratios. In particular, the natural fourth is the only interval
(besides octaves) recognized as consonant; it is therefore used
extensively as “harmonic filler” in the interlocking-composition method
of that region. No simultaneous fourths occur, and yet the semblance of a
fourth-, fifth-, and octave-based “harmony” is established by
durational overlapping of the notes struck. Consequently, seconds (240
cents), in contrast to fourths (480 cents), are avoided to a great
extent in interlocking composition.
Similarly, in equi-heptatonic
systems the desire for harmonic sound may dictate constant adjustments
of intonation away from the theoretical interval of 171 cents. One of
the most impressive areas in Africa in which a pen-equidistant
heptatonic scale is combined with a distinctively harmonic style based
on singing in intervals of thirds
plus fifths, or thirds plus fourths, is the eastern Angolan culture
area. This music is heptatonic and non-modal; i.e., there is no concept
of major or minor thirds as distinctive intervals. In principle all the
thirds are neutral, but in practice the thirds rendered by the singers
often approximate natural major thirds (386 cents), especially at points
of rest. In this manner, the principles of equidistance and harmonic
euphony are accommodated within one tonal-harmonic system. For the
notation of such music, a seven-line stave is most appropriate, with
each horizontal line representing one pitch level.
Monophonic systems
These
tonal systems, based on octaves, fifths, and fourths (i.e., on the
simple ratios 1:2, 2:3, and 3:4), are found in the western Sudanic belt.
There are also many pentatonic systems of this kind in the Sahel zone and on the Guinea Coast (such as those of the Fon and Oyo-Yoruba peoples), where no simultaneous sounds occur except octaves.
Systems based on instrumental harmonics
These
tone systems may be divided into two subfamilies: (1) that based on the
selective use of harmonics from a single fundamental (for example, the
system of the Gogo of central Tanzania) and (2) that based on the selective use of harmonics from two or more fundamentals (for example, the systems of the Fang in Gabon and of the !Kung in southwestern Africa, based on harmonics from two fundamentals, and the hexatonic systems of the Lala, Nsenga, Swaka, and Shona
in southern and central Africa, based on more than two fundamentals).
All musical cultures employing this type of tone system practice
multipart singing. The regions involved are southern Africa, central and
southwestern Tanzania, and much of western central Africa.
The
actual shape of the system depends upon whether the tonal material
derives from one fundamental or more, upon the conventionalized
intervals between these fundamentals (if there is more than one), and
upon which section of the natural harmonic series is selected to form
the tone system. Depending upon these variables, completely different
tonal-harmonic systems may be encountered. The Gogo tone system,
illustrated below, is basically tetratonic (within one octave) with a
pentatonic extension. It is based on selective use of the sequence of
natural harmonics from partials 4 to 9, over a single fundamental.
The old tone system (now obsolete) of the Kisi
people of Tanzania was hexatonic. It was based on the selective
exploitation of the sequence of natural harmonics from partials 6 to 11
over a single fundamental.
Tone systems based on the use of harmonics from two fundamentals are frequently encountered in areas where the musical bow, particularly the mouth bow
(which uses the mouth as a resonator), is or was an important
instrument. Western central Africa and the whole of southern Africa are
the most prominent distribution areas for mouth bows; they are also
found in some areas of West Africa.
The tone system of the !Kung
people is tetratonic. It may manifest itself, however, in three
different versions with different intervals, leading, as in the first of
the tunings shown below, to a semitone interval (shown as F–E). Because
the melodic and harmonic results of these particular tunings are
unique, they provide strong evidence of San
heritage in any southern African music in which they occur. In !Kung
music the natural harmonic series of each fundamental is not used beyond
the fourth partial. This is why fourths, fifths, and octaves are the
characteristic simultaneous sounds in !Kung polyphony.
Where,
in addition to the second, third, and fourth partials, the fifth
partials of each fundamental are also used, hexatonic tone systems
arise. The tonal-harmonic system of the Handa-Nkhumbi
group in southwestern Angola is one example, based on two fundamentals
tuned about 200 cents apart. The resultant chords are thirds and fourths
in characteristic positions:
This system also underlies the music of the Xhosa in South Africa. It occurs, too, in some of the music of their neighbours, the Zulu and Swazi,
although these latter use a different hexatonic system, based on
fundamentals tuned about 100 cents apart. This tuning, used on the Zulu ugubhu gourd-resonated musical bow, has three semitone intervals:
Multipart singing and harmonic concepts are basic traits of many
African musical traditions and have been observed by Western travelers
since the earliest periods of contact. Contrary to earlier opinions, “harmony”
in African music is now seen to be not a result of acculturation but
rather indigenous to many parts of the continent. Polyphonic singing
styles were almost certainly used by prehistoric hunters in central and
southern Africa. Among the San, the discovery of the use of the hunting
bow as a musical instrument, and with it the discovery of the harmonics
of a stretched string, constituted a cluster of traits that were
probably interdependent. Questions raised in the 19th and early 20th
centuries as to whether the hunting bow or the musical bow was invented
first are certainly irrelevant in the culture of southern African
prehistoric hunters.
Multipart singing in African music embraces
two entirely different approaches, homophonic and polyphonic, with the
definition of these words adapted to African cultures.
In homophonic
styles all melodic lines, though at different pitch levels, are
rhythmically the same, and they begin and end together. Individual
singers conceive of their voice lines—all carrying the same text—as
identical in principle, only sung at different levels. Men sing “with a
big voice” (i.e., in low voices), women and children “with small voices”
(i.e., high voices). Their voices may stand a third, a fourth, a fifth,
or an octave apart, but they are considered to sing the same tune. In
practice, though, not only parallel but also oblique and contrary motion
may occur. To what extent the latter is permitted depends upon the
tolerance within the tonality of the particular language. For example,
in eastern Angola contrary motion is normal practice. In other cultures
movement is strictly parallel within the structure of the tone system
concerned.
Homophonic multipart singing is found in particular
concentration along the Guinea Coast. It is also found throughout
western central Africa, among most peoples of Angola, Zambia, and
Malawi, and in many parts of East Africa. In northern central Africa it
is found among the Zande
and related peoples. In southwestern parts of the Central African
Republic there is three-part harmonic singing with vocal parts shifting
chromatically between two roots one semitone apart. Homophonic vocal
styles are often linked to a call-and-response (leader-chorus) form.
In polyphonic
styles the complementary individual lines differ in their rhythm and
phrasing and carry different texts or syllables. They may be of
different length, and their starting and ending points do not coincide.
Such styles are more restricted geographically. The vocal music of the San communities in southwestern Africa is predominantly polyphonic, as are the vocal styles of Bambuti in the Ituri Forest and the Pygmy
groups of the upper Sangha River area of the Congo and the Central
African Republic. (The San and Pygmy peoples, whose polyphonic styles
and tone systems are based on different principles, have often
mistakenly been lumped together in evolutionist theories.) In other
parts of Africa, isolated islands of polyphonic singing occur among or
between largely homophonic communities. Thus, the otherwise homophonic Gogo people employ polyphonic techniques in their saigwa and msunyunho songs, and Nyakyusa children of southwestern Tanzania use yodel and polyphony in a song type called kibota.
A
distinct style of polyphonic singing is found in much of the music of
the peoples of the lower Zambezi valley, in parts of Mozambique, and
also in Zimbabwe, as exemplified by the Karanga-Shona threshing song
shown here:
This
is a diagrammatic transcription showing the relationships between the
five male voice parts (here transposed one octave and five semitones
higher). In actual performance the voices enter consecutively, each
starting from the double bar in his particular line and then repeatedly
backtracking to the beginning of the line. The entry point for voices 2
and 3 is one pulse after the commencement of the last note of voice 1.
When voice 1 repeats his line, his second syllable signals the entry
point for voices 4 and 5. The cycle (which is continually repeated) is
18 pulses long. The harmonic scheme comprises a sequence of bichords in
fourths and fifths, characteristic of much Shona music. The roots of
these bichords, E A C / E G C, are shown above the top staff. The tone
system here is hexatonic.
Polyphony is also prevalent in South Africa and Swaziland. In the dance-songs of the Nguni people (including the Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi, and Ndebele),
two or more voice parts, commencing at different points in the cycle,
often overlap extensively. At least two parts, solo and chorus, are
always regarded as essential. In fact, a solo vocalist singing the
entire song usually does not complete a single voice part but instead
shifts from one part to another when he arrives at the entry point of
each part.
The Zulu bow song transcribed below begins with the bow phrase, which simulates a chorus part. During repetitions of this ostinato, the voices (sung in this transcription by Zulu princess Constance Magogo kaDinuzulu, her son Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi,
and several of his young children) enter in turn, each beginning at its
double bar: first, voice 1, then, in subsequent repetitions of the
16-pulse cycle, voices 2 and 3. The lines shown below the song may be
rendered by additional singers or by voices 2 and 3 as occasional
variants.
This
song sounds very different indeed from the previous Shona example,
mainly on account of its tone system, which has two semitone intervals. A
pentatonic variant of the Zulu hexatonic system cited above, it is
based on two instrumental roots a semitone apart. The melodic line
produced on the ugubhu gourd bow employs harmonic partials 3
and 4 of the two fundamentals B and C, these harmonics being selectively
resonated by moving the open end of the gourd resonator closer to or
farther from the player’s chest.
Despite the marked tonal
dissimilarity between the Shona and Zulu songs, they clearly share an
almost identical underlying formal structure, based on the principle of
deliberately nonaligned, overlapping voice parts that retain the same
relationship to one another through all successive repetitions of the
song. The relationships of their parts can be demonstrated by concentric
circles, in which clockwise rotation represents a cycle, or strophe, of
the song, which is continually repeated.
All the vocal music considered above has as its basis some kind of tone system. Among the Zulu
and other Nguni peoples, however, certain non-melodic forms of chanting
coexist alongside melodic styles of performance—even among items that
fit the same category of “dance-song”—just as some English nursery
rhymes are sung while others are recited or chanted. In such cases,
fixed musical pitches are absent, and a singsong form of rhythmical
recitation is used instead. The close affinity of such pieces with
melodic songs is confirmed by their sharing of the same circular,
multipart formal structure.
There is indeed evidence from many
different parts of Africa of the use of intermediate vocal styles,
falling somewhere between the extremes of speech and song. In many
African cultures the boundary between the two does not tally exactly
with the Western, demonstrating that definitions of music and song are
culture-specific.